Climate Politics: The Subtle Differences Between UK Parties' Green Agendas
“Climate change is pushing planetary boundaries to the brink”
Climate policy has become one of the main areas of contention between the UK's major political parties in the run-up to elections. Even if the rhetoric between the parties appears to differ significantly, a closer examination reveals a more complex picture in which the apparent gulf between them may not be as great as it seems.
The Conservative Party's prime minister, Rishi Sunak, recently emphasised the government's preference for "family finances and energy security" over "environmental dogma." Sunak's concentration on exploring the North Sea for oil and gas is consistent with the Conservatives' emphasis on generating energy domestically to guard against geopolitical threats such as the fallout from Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Examined closely, however, even Sunak's climate strategy preserves some aspects of the larger bipartisan consensus on achieving net-zero emissions by 2050—a goal put forth by the Conservative leadership in 2019 and started by the Labour government in 2008.
In the meantime, Sir Keir Starmer, the leader of Labour, is pursuing an alternative narrative in which he frames climate action as a business opportunity. With £8 billion in public funding spread over five years, his planned *Great British Energy* initiative seeks to lead the clean energy revolution, reviving struggling industrial areas and generating jobs. But the Conservatives have labelled Labour's plan as state overreach, arguing that governments selecting economic "winners" run the risk of burdening taxpayers with needless expenses.
A Joint Promise to Achieve Net Zero by 2050
The two parties' climate agendas seem different at first appearance. However, a closer look reveals that both sides are steadfastly dedicated to the fundamental goal of reaching net-zero emissions by 2050. UK climate policy is still based on this goal, which was established by the Labour government and reinforced by the Conservative prime minister, Theresa May. Certain components, like the 2030 prohibition on new petrol and diesel cars, have been accelerated by Labour, but Sunak's government extended the deadline to 2035. Nonetheless, the parties' agreement that by 2030, 80% of automobile sales should be electric greatly reduces the differences in their respective positions.
Furthermore, with only slight differences in goals, both sides are in favour of significant increases in offshore wind and solar energy. Labour wants to reach 50 GW of solar power by 2030, whereas the Conservatives want to reach 70 GW by 2035. Like the Conservatives, Labour also sees significant increase in offshore wind, with 60 GW (including 5 GW of floating wind) anticipated by 2030 as opposed to 50 GW.
Sections for Wind Power, Gas, and Oil
The way that oil and gas production is handled is one important distinction. New drilling at the Rosebank oil field was recently allowed by the Conservative government; this move was justified as necessary for energy security but is unlikely to result in a major drop in energy prices. On the other hand, Labour has promised to respect current licenses, such as Rosebank's, but to refuse approving any new oil and gas developments in the North Sea. Even though Labour's position represents a significant symbolic change, the party admits that petrol and oil will continue to be used in the UK "for decades to come."
Onshore wind is another source of divergence. By 2030, Labour plans to double the quantity of onshore wind energy to 35 GW, which would enable the faster and more affordable deployment of renewable energy. In contrast, even though planning constraints have been loosened, the Conservatives are still only slightly in favour of increasing onshore wind, with only one project now underway in England.
Greater Consensus and Smaller Parties
Smaller political parties including the Liberal Democrats, Scottish National Party (SNP), Greens, and Plaid Cymru push for even more aggressive climate policies outside of the two major parties. The SNP and Lib Dems both want to achieve net zero emissions by 2045, but the Lib Dems want to see 90% of electricity generated by renewables by 2030. As usual, the Greens want to get to net zero as quickly as possible, whereas Plaid Cymru wants to see net zero in Wales by 2035.
By completely rejecting the net-zero aim, proposing to do away with renewable subsidies, and taking a different tack when it comes to climate action, the Reform Party stands out in striking contrast.
The Truth About Climatic Rhetoric
Even while each party has a somewhat different strategy for reaching net zero, the overall goal is strikingly unchanged. Though they disagree on the rate and scope of change as well as the place of conventional energy sources like oil and gas, both Labour and the Conservatives recognise the necessity of a low-carbon future and the importance of renewable energy.
Voters may believe that these shared promises to net zero are insufficient given the seriousness of the climate situation, especially in light of May 2024 being the hottest month on record. The latest statement from UN Secretary-General António Guterres stating that climate change is "pushing planetary boundaries to the brink" emphasises how urgent it is to take decisive action. However, it is still unclear if these policies will result in the significant changes required to prevent a global warming emergency because political forces appear to be uniting more often than they are diverging.
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